BY ISMAIL KUCUKKAYA
AKSAM - As there are just three months until local elections, things are tense. Although our democratic culture isn't yet a settled one, our country can still hold elections and change our political leaders through the ballot box. This is the fruits of 60 years of multi-party rule. We also have the ability to rapidly and radically eliminate political structures. Moreover, there's a sort of fragmentation among government institutions. Intellectuals are split in two, and the institutions are having internecine fights. There's nothing wrong with this, but if our legal institutions are at issue, we should stop to examine this. If the judicial branch is at risk, who can we trust?
The current struggle over the judicial branch is only part of a larger fight. Let's consider the reasons behind it. We've spent the last two years disputing the regime and thus lost time and energy. We've faced a problematic process. The spirit of the fight has permeated all our institutions. Not only politics and the judicial branch, but also such institutions as the Board of Higher Education (YOK) and the Directorate General of Security are now caught in the same vicious circle. What's more, the people are tired, too.
The past of this fight is well known. It started with the November 2002 general elections (which brought the ruling Justice and Development Party, AKP, to power), and stretched through this year's unsuccessful closure case against the AKP. We can see that this struggle will continue. This is a requirement of politics to a certain extent. The fight also carries a price for everybody. The political intelligence sometimes factionalizes others. This might be towards the judicial branch, the media, or sometimes great capital forces. All the actors of the game of politics should be aware of this.
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is tired. Abdullah Gul was elected president and former Parliament Speaker Bulent Arinc and former Deputy Prime Minister Abdullatif Sener moved on due to the AKP's four-part leadership structure. Now there's nobody in the Cabinet to share Erdogan's burden or sometimes warn him. Now the local elections are nearing. Let's take a look at the real situation: We face an economic crisis. This time our agenda isn't being determined by abstract debates, but the concrete problems of large sectors of society. This is important. Such basic issues as poverty, unemployment, and inflation are setting the terms. The real performance of ruling parties is measured by their actions in these areas. Now the period of clever opposition has started. You can be sure that the debate over the judicial branch is making people angry.
The date of the elections, March 29, is very important. Politicians and leaders always have to win to maintain their power. Losing power might lead to a cascade effect on certain structures and critical nexuses. Erdogan's biggest test since taking office six years ago will be the measures he takes to fight the economic crisis. Policies which have an impact on people's daily lives will be key.
Our voters are extremely rational and pragmatic and very sensitive in their expectations about their daily lives. They are guided by their wallets. The AKP's political future depends on what it can do to counter the crisis. The ruling party should use all of its political know-how for investment, employment and economic stability. Some people are also trying to shift the spotlight. The Supreme Board of Elections (YSK) has been unable to prevent serious problems with the voter rolls on the eve of elections. The Constitutional Court seems to be very willing to step into the fight. Don't turn this debate into a replay of the closure case. If the balance of justice shifts, these people wouldn't forgive you. The local elections should be above-board so that the people can gauge the real performance of the ruling party and make good choices.