BY RUSEN CAKIR
VATAN- When I was talking with a person who is close to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the issue of speech made by Erdogan at the end of the general elections of July 22, 200 was opened. My friend was very angry with criticisms which claimed that Erdogan didn't keep the promises he has made that night and said that those who criticize Erdogan seem to have forgotten who was next to him that night. Of course, this person was then Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul. For him, mostly Gul, who insisted on his presidential candidacy and who has finally elected the president, was responsible for not keeping these promises. Certain points should be clarified to discuss this issue more healthily. According to the chronological order:
1. Erdodan wanted to become the president for a long time but he hesitated due to various reasons.
2. Gul also expected that Erdogan would become the president and that he would take over the duty of prime ministry.
3. When Erdogan changed his mind about candidacy, he tried to look for another person whose wife doesn't cover her head, in other words, who can be adopted more easily by other institutions of the state. But after then Parliament Speaker Bulent Arinc's last stake, he decided on Gul.
4. Gul undertook the candidacy reluctantly.
5. The Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) criticized Gul's candidacy harshly through an online memorandum on April 27, 2007.
6. As it was impossible to elect a president due to the Constitutional Court's controversial decision on compulsory 367 votes, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) decided to hold early elections.
7. The AKP based its election campaign on the unjust treatment applied on Gul about his candidacy.
8. The first message which was given by Erdogan, the leader of a party which came to power again by taking nearly 47% of votes, was hugging all the layers of society.
9. In order to avoid a crisis, Erdogan wanted National Defense Minister Vecdi Gonul to become the president instead of Gul.
10. But the Nationalist Action Party (MHP) stated that it wouldn't let any other crisis of 367 and opened the way for Gul completely.
11. In spite of indirect suggestions and pressures by Erdogan and his surroundings, Gul became a candidate by saying that the nation voted for my presidency and thus he was elected the prime minister.
Pages of news and articles will be written in following days particularly about indirect suggestions and pressures by Erdogan and his surroundings. What's important is that Gul has become the president through the unconditional support of minority within the party and reluctant support of the majority. But it would be misleading to relate the last nine month's crises to Gul's presidency only by taking this concept into consideration. I've been arguing from the beginning that Gul's presidency might be a possibility of triggering a crisis and also an opportunity for the secular and democratic republic. For example, I thought that Gul, who has become the president in spite of Erdogan and the party's majority, would be able to seize the opportunity of becoming the 'president of everybody.'
But Gul appointed Professor Yusuf Ziya Ozcan as the Higher Education Council (YOK) head, instead of another 'wise man' who might be respected by all layers of society, and thus disappointed some optimists like me. Then the AKP made the greatest strategic mistake of the last six years and made constitutional arrangements about it. Gul waited for a few days for approval and this situation created some hope but we saw once again that he has missed another opportunity. Let's imagine it. If Gul had returned these arrangements to the Parliament, what would have happened? Obviously, there would have been a political crisis. The AKP would have been in a very difficult situation and there would be a series of speculations about the past, present and future of relations between the Cankaya Presidential Palace and the government.
On the contrary, those who approach the AKP and particularly Gul doubtfully would have been very confused. Besides, the crisis to be experienced due to Gul's veto wouldn't have been as deep and unsolvable as it is now. Even maybe it would hinder or delay Chief Public Prosecutor Abdurrahman Yalcinkaya's bringing a case. At least, even if the case had been brought, Gul had been in a more neutral situation now. To sum up, on the basis of all the things we have experienced there is the arrangement of headscarf, rather than Gul's becoming the president. Actually, there is the fact that Gul was unable to analyze what has and what will happen correctly in spite of all his experience of real politics and approved these arrangements.