ANKARA - Many documents and plans have been presented and several agreements have been signed since 1960s to unite the two peoples in Cyprus under the roof of a single state.
As a result of clashes between the two communities in the island ruled by Britain, the idea of independence emerged after a middle course was found against the Greek Cypriots' claim of annexation and the Turkish Cypriots' claim of division.
After this idea was adopted by Britain, Greece, Turkey and the United States, the Zurich Agreement was signed on February 11, 1959, and the London Agreement was signed on February 19, 1959.
Besides Britain, Turkey and Greece, both communities in the island signed these agreements as the two founder partners having equal status. As a result, Cyprus was born as a bi-communal Republic under joint sovereignty and rule of two communities.
According to the Zurich and London agreements, the president would have been Greek Cypriot and the vice president would have been Turkish Cypriot. The Council of Ministers would have been formed by seven Greek Cypriot and three Turkish Cypriot members; the House of Representatives would have been formed by 35 Greek Cypriot and 15 Turkish Cypriot members; the Republican Army would have been included 60 percent Greek Cypriot soldiers and 40 percent Turkish Cypriot soldiers; and the civil servants would have been formed by 70 percent Turkish Cypriot and 30 percent Turkish Cypriot people.
Both communities would have had a communal chamber to deal with their own domestic affairs. The chamber would have had the right to impose taxes for communal expenditures, and would have been responsible for religious, educational and cultural affairs.
Under the agreements, police and gendarme would have been responsible for providing domestic security.
The court delegations in criminal actions would have been formed by judges of the community to which the offender belonged. Separate municipalities would have taken place in five biggest cities.
According to the agreements, official languages would have been Turkish and Greek.
The vice-president would have had the right of veto. The separate majority of Turkish Cypriot members would have been required on important issues.
Turkey and Greece would have been able to provide their communities with financial aid in education and culture.
Annexation and division would have been banned.
A constitutional court would have been established to deal with disagreements over constitutional issues. The court would have been formed by a Turkish Cypriot, a Greek Cypriot and an impartial judge.
GUARANTEE AND ALLIANCE TREATIES
In addition to the Zurich and London agreements, the Treaty of Guarantee was signed between the Republic of Cyprus of the one part, and Turkey, Greece and Britain of the other.
Article I of the Treaty of Guarantee said, ''the Republic of Cyprus undertakes to ensure the maintenance of its independence, territorial integrity and security, as well as respect for its Constitution. It undertakes not to participate, in whole or in part, in any political or economic union with any state whatsoever. It accordingly declares prohibited all activity likely to promote, directly or indirectly, either union with any other State or partition of the island.''
Article II saying, ''Turkey, Greece and Britain taking note of the undertakings of the Republic of Cyprus set out in Article I of the present Treaty, recognize and guarantee the independence, territorial integrity and security of the Republic of Cyprus, and also the state of affairs established by the Basic Articles of its Constitution,'' granted these three countries guarantor state rights.
Article IV of the Treaty clarified use of this right saying, ''in the event of a breach of the provisions of the present Treaty, Turkey, Greece and Britain undertake to consult together with respect to the representations or measures necessary to ensure observance of those provisions. In so far as common or concerted action may not prove possible, each of the three guaranteeing Powers reserves the right to take a action with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs created by the present Treaty.''
According to the Treaty of Alliance between the Republic of Cyprus, Turkey and Greece, the sides would have co-operate for their joint defense and held consultations with each other over the problems.
Article 2 of the Treaty said, ''the parties undertake to resist any attack or aggression, direct or indirect, directed against the independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus.''
SET OF IDEAS OF BUTROS-BUTROS GALI
The set of ideas and the map carrying the name of former United Nations Secretary General Butros-Butros Gali in 1990s, aimed to find a solution to the Cyprus issue like the preceding proposals.
During the negotiations in New York, the United States on June 18, 1992, Gali presented a map to the sides known with his name.
Under the map, the Turkish Cypriot side would have had 28.2 percent of the island; 37 Turkish Cypriot villages including Maras and Guzelyurt would have been handed over to the Greek Cypriot side; a Greek Cypriot canton would have been established in Karpaz; and tens of thousands of Greek Cypriots would have been envisaged to the northern part of the island.
During the second round of negotiations which started on July 15, 1992, Gali put forward a comprehensive solution plan known as the ''Set of Ideas of Gali'' including 100 paragraphs to all sides' appreciation. President Rauf Denktas of Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) declared their acceptance of the 91 out of 100 paragraphs. As for the map, President Denktas said that they could reduce to 29 (+) percent in land coordination under a package of agreement. On the Greek side however, although all the paragraphs were accepted by the Greek Leader Yorgo Vasiliu, Glafkos Clerides who later replaced him rejected this program.
Upon these developments, Gali prepared a package of confidence-building measures in 1992. The package, in fact, completed the set of ideas and put forward below-mentioned proposals:
-Embargo imposed on the TRNC would have been lessened considerably,
-Maras region under sovereignty of the TRNC would have been opened to settlement and use of Greek Cypriots under control of the United Nations,
-Lefkosa International Airport would have been opened to air transportation.
The sides started discussing the package including some changes, as of 1994. Actually, the package reflected preferences of Clerides.
The Turkish Cypriot side expressed its readiness on March 31, 1994 to conclude and sign a confidence-building measures agreement. The Greek Cypriot leader Clerides, on the other hand, began making public remarks, which reflected the position of the Greek Cypriot National Council, to the effect that ''the package of confidence-building measures and the process is dead''. The Greek Cypriot National Council rejected the package on June 8, 1994. Consequently, the package was destroyed with the decision of the Greek Cypriot side.
DE CUELLAR DOCUMENTS
As a result of initiatives of then United Nations Secretary General Perez de Cuellar, the proximity talks started in New York, the United States, on September 10, 1984.
Following the proximity talks, which lasted for ten days, a decision was taken to hold direct talks in the second round.
The second round of talks were held between October 15 and 26, 1984.
During the third round which started on November 26, 1984, de Cuellar who thought that both sides had held enough talks, presented a document after listening to final proposals of the sides.
While President Denktas accepted to sign the document, then Greek Cypriot leader Kyprianou refrained from signing it.
In a period in which the international community thought that a solution was found to the long-lasting Cyprus issue and that the sides had come to a conclusion at last, Kyprianou's rejection caused Cyprus talks to return to beginning point without any progress.
The document presented by de Cuellar, would have been approved by both communities in the island in separate referendums. It envisaged a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus issue through the establishment of a constitutionally bi-communal and geographically bi-zonal federal republic.
The document ensured independence, territorial integrity, bi-communal and bi-zonal structure, security and nonalignment; and granted both sides the right to ensure their own identities, unity and security.
In his latest report in December 1991, De Cuellar stressed that there were two politically equal communities in Cyprus; influential participation in each organs of the state was required to put political equality into practice in every fields; and the guarantee system should be the same of the 1960 order.
Talking about sovereignty for the first time, De Cuellar noted that the two communities in the island would share sovereignty.
This expression of De Cuellar was commented by the Greek Cypriot side that Turkish Cypriot side's sovereignty was recognized, and used as a ground for new assaults against Turkish Cypriots.
The state structure envisaged both by the Set of Ideas of Gali and the De Cuellar documents, was shaped like in agreements of 1960. Under them, Greek Cypriot president and Turkish Cypriot vice-president were granted right to veto about important issues.
(UK-AÖ) 31.03.2004